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Dan OLD Gunye Ge Racer MASK Antique African Art Liberia
A Superb OLD Northern Dan GUNYE GE Racer Mask, Classic Form Antique African Art - Tribal Masque - Liberia to Cote d'Ivoire
Collected from the: Northern Dan peoples of Liberia to Cote d'Ivoire, West Africa Material: Carved wood, vegetal fiber, metal at eyes, vegetal pigment, skin oil Period: Late 19th to earliest 20th century Dimensions: 10.25" height, 5.5" width, 3.5" depth; weight is 10.2 ounces Condition: Excellent. From a private Parisian collection, exquisite signs of age and wear from authentic tribal use, age cracks and indigenous repair at left side test stable, wear exposed wood displays significant patination, aluminum applique at eyeholes remains securely attached. Make special note of the perfect symmetry, serene expression, classic presentation of form, expertly executed early indigenous repair and superb surface condition. Rich deep chocolate mud-soaked patina on smooth, nonporous surface proclaims this specimen to be of Northern Dan origins. Considerable wear throughout interior, rim edges and high points indicative of extensive tribal wear and handling, surface condition and skin oil residue suggestive of performance wear - a fine early specimen !
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Dan GUNYE GE Racer Masks This character, whose name meant masquerade belonging to the house, was only found among the Northern Dan. These oval face masks featured large, round eyeholes, an arched hairline over a plain forehead and an occasional mustache. Not considered to be bluga or masks of the forest, the Gunyege were understood to be benevolent spirits residing in the home rather than the bush. The mask was held in place by a cloth which extended down the back to the waist with no headdress; the costume consisted of optional trousers, a short fiber skirt and fibers around the neck to allow the considerable mobility demanded by Gunyege's role as a foot-racer. Gunyege were subject to no authority beyond the family who owned them as they did not answer to the council of elders, the circumcision camp or the Go society. Many villages held weekly races for young men during the dry season; the defending champion from the previous week had the right to wear the Gunyege masquerade. Such racers usually took place on the weekend where boys and youths competed first while the adults waited until evening to participate. The maskless runner was usually given a few meter advantage while the masked runner was at an extreme disadvantage from a drastically reduced field of vision over the zigzag path, even with the large eyeholes. Masked runners were required to touch their opponent's back and head before being declared a winner, and so it was considered a rare feat when the masked runner won.
Dan Mask Traditions and Use The Dan had a great number of masked figures who represented spirits of the bush and fulfilled a variety of social, political and religious functions. According to Eberhard Fischer and Hans Himmelheber, eleven types of Dan masks can be distinguished by formal criteria. This does not imply, however, that the types could then be associated with specific functions because the meanings of masks changed over time. A discussion of the different forms and functions of Dan masquerades is far too confused to be accommodated by any clear cut classification. Since the masqueraders and masks often changed their roles during the course of their careers, it is possible that an old, respected mask of any category might become a Gunangle a village quarter mask or a Gle wa judicial mask. In addition, the Go society could take over any masquerade and then adapt its roles accordingly. In light of such functional fluctuations it would not be feasible to assign a definite status to any face which was divorced from its masquerade context and isolated in a collection. Even the generalizations advanced toward the ascription of gender according to the shape of its eyes can not be applied to stringently. Although the choice to carve narrow or tubular eyes may have undoubtedly been colored by symbolic and aesthetic considerations, there were practical factors involved as well. Masqueraders performing roles which brought them in close contact with women would have worn masks designed to maintain the anonymity of the wearer with narrow-eyed, feminine style masks that fit very close to the face which allowed the wearer to see quite satisfactorily without being seen himself. The long tubular eyes of the masculine mask styles served to conceal the wearer's face still more, but they afforded only a restricted field of vision so that the movements of the wearer were by necessity slower than those of other performers. Gunyege and Zakpei roles demanded very clear vision, resulting in masks with large, round eyeholes, although those of the racing masquerade were usually larger than those of the anonymous fire-prevention performance. There were even a few extremely large masks, known as dega duye gle or look-through-the-mouth, designed so that the wearer saw through the large, open mouth. After all the aesthetic, symbolic and practical decisions of carving were made, the sculptor still strived to attain a certain degree of individuality. As the Dan say, "all men look alike if compared to animals, yet no two persons have the same face." Similarly, a carver would create masks of the same style to appear at least a little differently. To achieve an understanding of masking traditions among the Dan, it becomes essential that one go beyond mere description of the mask type. The complex interaction between masquerades, the wearers, the circumcision camp and the Go society must all be considered as well.
History of the Dan Tribe The Dan, who call themselves dan po me or Dan speaking people, are a tribe of farmers with an estimated population of 350,000, living in Liberia and the inland region of Cote d'Ivoire. They are particularly renowned for their beautifully sculpted artifacts: masks, figures and spoons. The Dan are brilliant musicians and dancers, whereas their poetry is perhaps inferior to that of other African peoples such as the Akan. Agrarian people, the Dan plant rice, manioc and yams, also using oil palms and cola-tress and are engaged in the cultivation of coffee as a cash crop. The Dan have fought against invasions from their neighbors for decades, yet they are to be warm-hearted, generous and hospitable to strangers. While the Dan speak a Mande language, their culture has much in common with their southern neighbors, the We (also called the Gere, Ngere, Guere in Cote d'Ivoire and Kran in Liberia) who speak a Kwa language. In the past, the Dan did not form a politically unified nation, preferring that every village function as an autonomous unit. Game is no longer an essential part of the Dan diet as game populations were decimated by the imported gun. Though domestic animals are numerous in the villages, their meat is consumed only during ritual meals which take place during funeral services. Fish, caught by both men and women, continue to play an important role in supplying a source of protein in the Dan diet. Dan men and women continue to strive to obtain distinction and desired prominence in their village, called tin, attained through personal achievement of excellence in their own field of endeavor or craft. The greatest tin gained by either sex comes through spiritual preeminence as a leader in one of their numerous secret societies as a diviner, medicine man or woman, or in secular leadership as the founder of a new community. Material wealth, or bou, is highly regarded as the reward for energy, diligence, and shrewdness in barter or games of chance. A man with much bou could organize feasts to feed and entertain people from near and far, a gesture which increased his tin while advancing him within the circle of elders or consolidating his reputation as a chief. Dan chiefs once exercised unlimited power over their people but such power and wealth depended solely upon their generosity, leaving those chiefs who did not act generously vulnerable to abandonment and later attack from neighboring villages. Traditionally the Dan did not have markets for trade, relying instead upon a ritualized exchange of presents between prosperous chieftains who visited each other regularly for gift exchanges, each trying to exceed his partner's generosity. It was permitted to hint for desired objects during such meetings and each gift was assigned a position in a firmly structured value system. Metal, cloth, mats, domestic animals, slaves and even wives were acknowledged according to their exchange value. In Dan society, the individual was constantly threatened by war, slavery or cannibalism if they were not in some way indispensable. A good-for-nothing, at the mercy of his chief, might be sold for a slave or, if he fled in times of war, could not hope to gain asylum in another village. These threatening circumstances caused a drive for individual prominence within the community as perfection in performance was one means of ensuring one's safety. As the Dan say: "It is not what you do that matters, but that you do it better than any other." Perhaps this emphasis on specialization can explain the large number of secret societies among the Dan, with their multiple grades and functionaries. Likewise, it may be a reason for the wealth of arts and crafts which enable a person ~ maker as well as owner ~ to enhance their status in the community.
Recommended Reading: Harley: Notes on the Poro in Liberia and Masks as Agents of Social Control in Northeast Liberia Fischer and Himmelhaber: The Arts of the Dan in West Africa Fischer: Dan Forest Spirits: Masks in Dan Villages Meneghini: Collecting African Art in Liberia and Neighboring Countries Johnson: Four Dan Sculptors Kerchache: L'art Africain
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