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Dan OLD Miniature War MASK Antiqu African Occult Fetish
An Important OLD Dan Encrusted Miniature BUGLE War Mask, Occult Object Antique African Art - Tribal Masque - Liberia to Cote d'Ivoire
Collected from the: Dan peoples of Liberia to Cote d'Ivoire, West Africa Material: Carved wood, sacrificial encrustation Period: Early 20th century Dimensions: 6.5" height, 2.75" width, 2.5" depth; weight is 4.8 ounces Condition: Exquisite. This museum quality specimen hails from a private Parisian collection, exceptional signs of age and wear from authentic ritual tribal use, age cracks test stable, wear exposed wood displays significant patination. Make special note of the considerable age, rare display of attachment holes, classic presentation of the Bugle form, thickly encrusted patina and superb surface condition. Wear at interior, rim edge and high points, encrustation and skin oil residue indicative of extensive handling and repeated sacrifice - a splendid example of this exceedingly rare form !
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Dan Miniature Masks History and Use All Dan face masks could be executed in miniature form, with the possible exception of Kaogle, the chimpanzee mask, though they rarely exhibited any means by which they might be attached to anything. The masks were divided into two categories by size: very small masks from 6 to 9 cm (2.5 to 3.5 in) or larger ones from 10 to 20 cm (4 to 8 in). The most common miniature was undoubtedly that of the attractive feminine mask with slit eyes. The least common miniatures represented masks with tubular eyes and animal mouths. Known by Ma go, or "small head", and Yi luo po, "thing which water is poured over", in reference to sacrifices made to the mask ~ the act of making a small offering was described by the Dan as "giving cool water". Alternate designations included gba po, "thing which is fed", and shal buo po, "thing to which sacrifice is made". Among the Dan, miniature masks fulfilled various functions for any masker or anyone whose family owned an important mask was entitled to commission a miniature to be made so that it might be taken to the farm, on long journeys, or even among a woman's possessions brought into her new family when the daughter of a mask family was married. Miniatures were given or fed sacrifices in lieu of the original mask so that, through their agency, requests could then be addressed to the benevolent spirit the miniature represented. Miniature masks also played a role in secret societies as scared objects which were displayed to the members on winnowing fans during meetings. New initiates were shown through such objects that all kinds of human roles were welcome. Those miniature masks were generally interpreted to be representations of the benevolent spirits associated with the most important masquerades of the area. Miniature masks were also attached to occult objects, in which case the rarely found holes or other means of attachment would be notable. Such occult miniatures would be secured to leather pouches, antelope horns filled with magical medicines or humanoid figures made of straw that was then accorded a function comparable to that of a stele. During initiation ceremonies, miniature masks would be placed on the path the novice must follow to reach the assembly. Miniature masks also played an important role in the circumcision camps where they acted as witnesses of the operation and blessed or spiritually "sterilized" the small knife before the circumciser made any incision. Very small miniatures were an important means of identification for a mask owner when traveling outside his immediate community. Whatever the context in which they appeared, the miniature masks served as testimony to the presence of the spirit associated with a large masquerade.
Dan BUGLE War Masks Bugle were powerful war masks who, in the course of their career, were often promoted to the role of Gunagle, or village quarter mask. These face masks were always of considerable size and typically featured a roughly pentagonal outline, tubular eyes, a powerful mouth often held large, inset teeth. The carving was deliberately rough and usually covered with a dark patina from kola nut and blood sacrifices. A dark mantle over a thick raffia fiber skirt and the gblua headdress of long black feathers completed the costume. To the Dan, bugle is an onomatopoetic title, the first syllable approximating the sound of a gunshot and therefore appropriate to a mask who prepared men for battle, blessed the "just cause" and led the warriors into the fray. Although Bugle performed a variety of dances, he did not sing. As a warrior, he had to remain in constant motion to never concede an advantage to his enemy. His companions remained very close to him at all times, for he was the vortex from which the sequence of all activity emanated. Bugle did not oppress the audience or make them angry as some Dan masquerades did. In general, the Bugle masks were far more agreeable than their appearance would suggest, content to demonstrate their considerable strength with dignity.
Dan Mask Traditions and Use The Dan had a great number of masked figures who represented spirits of the bush and fulfilled a variety of social, political and religious functions. According to Eberhard Fischer and Hans Himmelheber, eleven types of Dan masks can be distinguished by formal criteria. This does not imply, however, that the types could then be associated with specific functions because the meanings of masks changed over time. A discussion of the different forms and functions of Dan masquerades is far too confused to be accommodated by any clear cut classification. Since the masqueraders and masks often changed their roles during the course of their careers, it is possible that an old, respected mask of any category might become a Gunangle a village quarter mask or a Gle wa judicial mask. In addition, the Go society could take over any masquerade and then adapt its roles accordingly. In light of such functional fluctuations it would not be feasible to assign a definite status to any face which was divorced from its masquerade context and isolated in a collection. Even the generalizations advanced toward the ascription of gender according to the shape of its eyes can not be applied to stringently. Although the choice to carve narrow or tubular eyes may have undoubtedly been colored by symbolic and aesthetic considerations, there were practical factors involved as well. Masqueraders performing roles which brought them in close contact with women would have worn masks designed to maintain the anonymity of the wearer with narrow-eyed, feminine style masks that fit very close to the face which allowed the wearer to see quite satisfactorily without being seen himself. The long tubular eyes of the masculine mask styles served to conceal the wearer's face still more, but they afforded only a restricted field of vision so that the movements of the wearer were by necessity slower than those of other performers. Gunyege and Zakpei roles demanded very clear vision, resulting in masks with large, round eyeholes, although those of the racing masquerade were usually larger than those of the anonymous fire-prevention performance. There were even a few extremely large masks, known as dega duye gle or look-through-the-mouth, designed so that the wearer saw through the large, open mouth. After all the aesthetic, symbolic and practical decisions of carving were made, the sculptor still strived to attain a certain degree of individuality. As the Dan say, "all men look alike if compared to animals, yet no two persons have the same face." Similarly, a carver would create masks of the same style to appear at least a little differently. To achieve an understanding of masking traditions among the Dan, it becomes essential that one go beyond mere description of the mask type. The complex interaction between masquerades, the wearers, the circumcision camp and the Go society must all be considered as well.
History of the Dan Tribe The Dan, who call themselves dan po me or Dan speaking people, are a tribe of farmers with an estimated population of 350,000, living in Liberia and the inland region of Cote d'Ivoire. They are particularly renowned for their beautifully sculpted artifacts: masks, figures and spoons. The Dan are brilliant musicians and dancers, whereas their poetry is perhaps inferior to that of other African peoples such as the Akan. Agrarian people, the Dan plant rice, manioc and yams, also using oil palms and cola-tress and are engaged in the cultivation of coffee as a cash crop. The Dan have fought against invasions from their neighbors for decades, yet they are to be warm-hearted, generous and hospitable to strangers. While the Dan speak a Mande language, their culture has much in common with their southern neighbors, the We (also called the Gere, Ngere, Guere in Cote d'Ivoire and Kran in Liberia) who speak a Kwa language. In the past, the Dan did not form a politically unified nation, preferring that every village function as an autonomous unit. Game is no longer an essential part of the Dan diet as game populations were decimated by the imported gun. Though domestic animals are numerous in the villages, their meat is consumed only during ritual meals which take place during funeral services. Fish, caught by both men and women, continue to play an important role in supplying a source of protein in the Dan diet. Dan men and women continue to strive to obtain distinction and desired prominence in their village, called tin, attained through personal achievement of excellence in their own field of endeavor or craft. The greatest tin gained by either sex comes through spiritual preeminence as a leader in one of their numerous secret societies as a diviner, medicine man or woman, or in secular leadership as the founder of a new community. Material wealth, or bou, is highly regarded as the reward for energy, diligence, and shrewdness in barter or games of chance. A man with much bou could organize feasts to feed and entertain people from near and far, a gesture which increased his tin while advancing him within the circle of elders or consolidating his reputation as a chief. Dan chiefs once exercised unlimited power over their people but such power and wealth depended solely upon their generosity, leaving those chiefs who did not act generously vulnerable to abandonment and later attack from neighboring villages. Traditionally the Dan did not have markets for trade, relying instead upon a ritualized exchange of presents between prosperous chieftains who visited each other regularly for gift exchanges, each trying to exceed his partner's generosity. It was permitted to hint for desired objects during such meetings and each gift was assigned a position in a firmly structured value system. Metal, cloth, mats, domestic animals, slaves and even wives were acknowledged according to their exchange value. In Dan society, the individual was constantly threatened by war, slavery or cannibalism if they were not in some way indispensable. A good-for-nothing, at the mercy of his chief, might be sold for a slave or, if he fled in times of war, could not hope to gain asylum in another village. These threatening circumstances caused a drive for individual prominence within the community as perfection in performance was one means of ensuring one's safety. As the Dan say: "It is not what you do that matters, but that you do it better than any other." Perhaps this emphasis on specialization can explain the large number of secret societies among the Dan, with their multiple grades and functionaries. Likewise, it may be a reason for the wealth of arts and crafts which enable a person ~ maker as well as owner ~ to enhance their status in the community.
Recommended Reading: Harley: Notes on the Poro in Liberia and Masks as Agents of Social Control in Northeast Liberia Fischer and Himmelhaber: The Arts of the Dan in West Africa Fischer: Dan Forest Spirits: Masks in Dan Villages Meneghini: Collecting African Art in Liberia and Neighboring Countries Johnson: Four Dan Sculptors Kerchache: L'art Africain
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